Ice Lounge Media

Ice Lounge Media

AWS today announced the launch of its newest GPU-equipped instances. Dubbed P4, these new instances are launching a decade after AWS launched its first set of Cluster GPU instances. This new generation is powered by Intel Cascade Lake processors and eight of Nvidia’s A100 Tensor Core GPUs. These instances, AWS promises, offer up to 2.5x the deep learning performance of the previous generation — and training a comparable model should be about 60% cheaper with these new instances.

Image Credits: AWS

For now, there is only one size available, the p4d.12xlarge instance, in AWS slang, and the eight A100 GPUs are connected over Nvidia’s NVLink communication interface and offer support for the company’s GPUDirect interface as well.

With 320 GB of high-bandwidth GPU memory and 400 Gbps networking, this is obviously a very powerful machine. Add to that the 96 CPU cores, 1.1 TB of system memory and 8 TB of SSD storage and it’s maybe no surprise that the on-demand price is $32.77 per hour (though that price goes down to less than $20/hour for one-year reserved instances and $11.57 for three-year reserved instances.

Image Credits: AWS

On the extreme end, you can combine 4,000 or more GPUs into an EC2 UltraCluster, as AWS calls these machines, for high-performance computing workloads at what is essentially a supercomputer-scale machine. Given the price, you’re not likely to spin up one of these clusters to train your model for your toy app anytime soon, but AWS has already been working with a number of enterprise customers to test these instances and clusters, including Toyota Research Institute, GE Healthcare and Aon.

“At [Toyota Research Institute], we’re working to build a future where everyone has the freedom to move,” said Mike Garrison, Technical Lead, Infrastructure Engineering at TRI. “The previous generation P3 instances helped us reduce our time to train machine learning models from days to hours and we are looking forward to utilizing P4d instances, as the additional GPU memory and more efficient float formats will allow our machine learning team to train with more complex models at an even faster speed.”

Read more

The election results will start to come in as early as 7pm Eastern Time on Tuesday, when seven states begin closing the polls. The next few hours will see more polls close around the country, more votes processed, more counts updated. But we won’t have the final result that night.

This isn’t unusual: In the US, counting votes and officially certifying them always goes on longer than Election Day, and the coronavirus means the counting will probably take longer than that. But on Sunday, Axios reported that President Trump intends to prematurely declare victory if it looks like he’s leading in the early returns, even if there are still millions of votes left to be counted. He has denied this specific claim, but it is in line with his long campaign to undermine the legitimacy of the election, and matches his promise to use lawyers to stop ballot counting in Pennsylvania as soon as polls close—even though the state will still have many mail-in ballots left to count and report. 

So what exactly will happen if a candidate prematurely declares victory before the contest is truly over?

Social media

This the front line. Any premature declaration will likely hit American networks like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube first, so the way these platforms handle this kind of activity will inform what happens next. Those three sites are planning to use labeling to deal with this kind of disinformation.

Twitter, the president’s social media platform of choice, says it will prominently label misleading tweets about election results from candidates, as well as any viral tweet. Disputed announcements will be met with a label that says “Official sources may not have called the race when this was Tweeted.”

To confirm results, the company will be leaning on state and local election officials as well as major national news outlets with dedicated election coverage desks. At least two sources will have to confirm the results of a race before a candidate can tweet about results without a warning label being applied.

YouTube, which has been a top campaign advertising battleground, will place an information panel on videos prematurely declaring victory. That will link to Google’s election results feature, which is being produced in partnership with the Associated Press.

“We’ll also continue to raise up authoritative content from news organizations and reduce the spread of borderline election misinformation,” said Google spokesperson Ivy Choi. “Additionally, if a piece of content, in the course of prematurely declaring victory, misleads viewers about voting or encourages interference in democratic processes, we will remove that in accordance with our community guidelines.”

When the polls close, all Google’s ad platforms—including YouTube and its search engine—will pause ads that reference the 2020 election. That may cut off another potential avenue for disinformation across the company’s internet empire.

Facebook is placing its own hopes in labels as well, including a preemptive notification in news feeds to follow authoritative news outlets like Reuters and the Associated Press for election results. Facebook’s normal response to false news is to reduce its spread on the network and partner with fact-checkers for additional labeling.

Elsewhere, TikTok’s policy reduces the visibility of posts prematurely claiming victory and is working on an “expedited” schedule with fact checking partners around Election Day. 

This is an excerpt from The Outcome, our daily email on election integrity and security. Click here to get regular updates straight to your inbox.

Read more

There were 2,107 anti-Semitic incidents reported in the US in 2019—a record-breaking year as tracked by the Anti-Defamation League, and almost double the rate reported in 2016. The resurgence of anti-Semitism is partly attributed to the mainstreaming of QAnon, a rise in hate speech more broadly, and the radicalization of many political spaces online. A recent study showed that as much as 9% of public Facebook posts related to Jewish Americans contained derogatory language. Most Jewish voters report feeling less secure than they did four years ago, and over 80% of Jewish voters believe that the rise of anti-Semitism and white nationalism is one of the most important issues in the 2020 election. 

Jewish Americans make up just over 2% of the US population, but they represent up to 4% of the electorate, with pivotal populations in swing states such as Florida and Pennsylvania. Jewish voters as a whole tend to vote Democrat, but Orthodox Jews lean right, and Jews as a whole contribute a disproportionate amount of funding to both political parties.

More often than not in this election, however, Jewish voters are being talked about more than they are being talked to. Political conversations leading up to the election have been rich in disinformation and divisiveness, with online campaigns often pitting Jewish Americans against other groups of voters—especially other racial and ethnic minorities. Anti-Semitic narratives have become a core strategy for some groups.

Creating division

On June 12, as the country was in the middle of the largest protest movement in history, a new channel called “Black Lives Matter Global” cropped up on Telegram, the encrypted messaging platform. The channel started filling with Black power and BLM imagery rife with anti-Semitic rhetoric, intended to paint BLM and Jewish Americans as being opposed to each other. The channel was shared in many white supremacist groups on Telegram, and some of the imagery found its way onto Facebook. The posts were just one example of divisive and misleading content intended to ignite a chasm between Black and Jewish communities this summer. 

Jewishness is being used as a wedge in other underrepresented communities too, often in more formal communication channels. Florida, a key swing state, has been inundated with disinformation this election, particularly targeted toward Hispanic voters. Much of the disinformation is seeded with anti-Black and anti-Semitic narratives, often positing false relationships between the two groups. The Miami Herald’s Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Herald, ran an advertising insert in September that challenged Jewish support for the Black Lives Matter movement and “Antifa,” equating the two groups to Nazis. And the Miami-based Spanish station Radio Caracol ran a 16-minute segment suggesting that a Joe Biden victory would lead to a dictatorship run by “Jews and Blacks.” The onslaught prompted Florida congresswoman Debbie Mucarsel-Powell to ask the FBI to investigate anti-Semitic and racist political disinformation in the state.

Meanwhile, as the QAnon conspiracy theory has gained traction, it has accelerated the spread of anti-Semitic tropes online. A 2017 ADL review of anti-Semitism on Twitter warned that “the amount of anti-Semitism in QAnon-related content is currently very low,” but that “it has the potential to proliferate especially quickly given the viral nature of the subculture.” It proved to be an accurate warning: QAnon has swallowed up many other conspiratorial narratives, including thinly veiled versions of preexisting anti-Jewish tropes such as the “blood libel,” and latched onto audiences of white supremacists and evangelicals.  

 “QAnon is so disturbing because it shows that many people are susceptible to bizarre conspiracy theories,” says David Bernstein, president of the Jewish Council of Public Affairs, a coalition of Jewish groups. “If people can believe that nonsense, then they can believe crazy conspiracy theories about Jews, and some do. It underscores that one form of conspiracy mongering or bigotry can easily morph into another.”

Twenty-four congressional candidates in the 2020 election have made comments associated with QAnon, and at least one of those candidates is expected to win. And President Trump has repeatedly refused to condemn it, allowing the virtual cult to nestle itself under the ideological umbrella of the Republican Party. 

Vilification

On October 15, Michael Bloomberg announced a $250,000 donation to the Jewish Democratic Council of America to boost support for Joe Biden among Jewish voters in Florida. The following week, the Highlands County Republican Party started running ads on Facebook accusing Bloomberg and George Soros of trying to buy Florida votes and destroy electoral primaries. (The party’s Facebook page is rife with all kinds of misinformation.) 

Online advertisements that invoke Jewish figures such as Bloomberg, Soros, and Bernie Sanders often tread close to anti-Semitism. On October 26, the last day to submit new political advertisements to Facebook before the site instituted a ban, American Action News, a conservative nonprofit with over 1 million followers on Facebook, ran an ad with a picture of George Soros and the subtitle “Burn It Down: Soros planning nationwide chaos if Trump wins.” It was targeted to a group of 10,000 to 50,000 Facebook users in Virginia. It ran from October 26 through November 1, despite Facebook’s policies against incendiary content. 

The vilification of Jewish political figures contributes to the mainstreaming of anti-Semitism in politics. Bernstein says he’s actually been “pleasantly surprised” that it hasn’t played a bigger role in the presidential campaigns, though there have been alarming incidents of anti-Semitism in smaller campaigns. 

Forged dogmas 

Jewish voters have been targeted by online campaigns too, reflecting the fact that they are not a politically uniform group. Jewish support for Donald Trump has risen 5 percentage points since 2016, although Jewish support of Joe Biden is high across national polls. But division within the Jewish community has been exacerbated by online disinformation.

In one such example, JewsChoose4MoreYears, a political action committee, has funded a number of advertisements in Jewish newspapers in swing states. One of them, entitled “This does not end well for Jews,” included a fake statement about support for the Holocaust attributed to Democratic congresswoman Rashida Tlaib, a Muslim. Many Jewish newspapers have refused to run the advertisements. 

Such material is confusing and alarming, in part because its source is not clear. When asked about these type of ads, Bernstein said, “I’ve seen all sorts of disinformation aimed specifically at Jewish voters. It might come from fringe Jewish groups, and it might come from private people or ancillaries to the campaigns”

The JCPA released a joint statement last week signed by 90 Jewish organizations that advocate for free, fair, and accessible elections. They’ve set up a crisis team to monitor the elections and respond, if appropriate. “We know it’s going to be challenging,” Bernstein says.

Read more

Election Day misinformation will have two big goals, with the emphasis shifting over the course of the day. First it will attempt to keep people away from the polls, and then it will undermine the integrity of the election results. As experts and reporters track, verify, and debunk the onslaught of online rumors about voting, it’s likely that you, the well-meaning feed refresher, will encounter quick-moving and questionable videos, claims, and dispatches before the work can be done to figure out their truthfulness and context. 

Although major, persistent conspiracy theories like QAnon have attached themselves strongly to the US right wing, anyone can be vulnerable to sharing misinformation. Moments of urgency or crisis can give misinformation more fuel, even among people who should know better. 

Misinformation is already overwhelming local election officials. President Trump has repeatedly questioned the legitimacy of mail-in voting, boosting narratives that feed the conspiracy-laden claims of a coup staged by Democrats. A candidate could claim victory before mail-in ballots are fully counted in states where those votes could change the result. The potential for extended uncertainty feeds concerns ranging from the prospect of voters’ being discouraged from going to their polling places to the possibility of violence.  

So how do you avoid the trap of sharing bad information when everything feels terrible and urgent? Here’s some election-specific advice, building on our existing guide to protecting yourself from misinformation. 

Your attention matters: “People often think that because they’re not influencers, they’re not politicians, they’re not journalists, that what they do [online] doesn’t matter,” Whitney Phillips, an assistant professor of communication and rhetorical studies at Syracuse University, told me. But it does. Sharing dubious online trash with even a small circle of friends and family can help something catch. Things can trend on Twitter when regular users join in and amplify something that is being engineered to gain attention. So, you know, give yourself some credit. 

So does your engagement: During an urgent and developing news story, well-meaning people may quote, tweet, share, or otherwise engage with a post on social media in order to challenge and condemn it. Companies like Twitter and Facebook have introduced a lot of new rules, moderation tactics, and fact-checking provisions to try to combat popular misinformation. But interacting with misinformation on social media at all risks amplifying the content you’re trying to minimize, by signaling to the platform that the thing you’re interacting with is interesting. 

Many of the things that experts expect to see spreading on Election Day are going to be interesting but false. Misinformation’s goal is to “evoke an emotion,” says Shireen Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, who has long studied how misinformation targets and harms Black communities online. “The minute it evokes an emotion, you have to hit pause.”

Identify (and share!) some reliable sources and context beforehand: Lyric Jain, the founder of the UK-based verification app Logically, said he’s found it can be helpful to know “where your north star is” in the information landscape: figure out “which organizations and which publishers you can more or less trust most of the time.” 

You can help others, too.

“Right now, you can start spreading good information on what to expect. Right now. We know the sorts of things that are likely to happen,” Mike Caulfield, a digital literacy expert, told me. We know, for instance, that vote counting procedures vary state by state, which will factor into the uncertainty around the final results. On Election Day, “when people try to spin these events, the people in your network say ‘Oh, I remember Jill sharing something about that.’” 

Do your research, but carefully: One of the tricky things about telling people to research the things they see online for themselves is that there are a ton of traps out there waiting for would-be truth seekers. It’s not just about doing your research; it’s about doing it well, learning how to put isolated bits of information into context, and not trusting unreliable sources with good Google optimization. 

Caulfield’s method for addressing misinformation has the helpful acronym SIFT: “Stop. Investigate the source. Find better coverage. Trace claims, quotes, and media to the original context.” When I asked him how SIFT might apply to election week, he offered a useful tweak: 

“There’s gonna be some stuff that you’re just not going to be able to check in the moment,” he said. Realistically speaking, most people aren’t going to—and shouldn’t—turn themselves into fact-checking operations to address all these claims as they filter through their feeds. 

“I really would encourage people to think about their role in social media as not running around sharing things they can’t verify, or arguing back and forth with a bunch of people who don’t want to hear what they say,” Caulfield said. Instead, you can share things that provide context and clarity: resources on your state’s voting rules, information on how the swell of mail-in votes is being handled in key states, or reporting on when, based on those rules, experts expect final tallies. Although many things are uncertain about this week, experts have also flagged some long-running misinformation threads designed to undermine the integrity of the elections. Some of those have already been debunked. 

Don’t become a bot hunter: Although the threat of misinformation on Election Day is serious, “I don’t want people to spend their day online thinking that everybody is a Russian troll,” says Camille Francois, the chief innovation officer at the social-network analysis company Graphika. And it’s not just because there are people like her who are literally experts in tracking and understanding how cyber conflict works. Foreign actors, she notes, often depend on people believing their false or exaggerated claims of interference and impact, so “if [you] see a foreign actor come and say they successfully hacked the election, [you] should take it with a grain of salt.” 

“Stay away from becoming a bot hunter or fact checker,” says Angelo Carusone, the president of Media Matters for America, a left-leaning media watchdog group that has been tracking far-right misinformation campaigns. 

People can do two things instead, he says. “They can slow the speed of lies, but they can also slow the speed at which tensions escalate.” 

Beware of your expectations: Multiple experts I spoke with expressed variations on a similar concern: that well-intended efforts to highlight election-related violence could lead people to believe that violent unrest is significantly more widespread than it is. This has left some organizations with a quandary of how to inform the public without overhyping isolated incidents or ignoring moments that deserve more widespread concern and attention. 

“I don’t think we’re going to get this one right. I think we’re going to err on the side of over-discussing violence,“ Carusone says. “I think that it’s almost impossible to talk about the threat of misinformation, disinformation, or the integrity of the election without the specter of violence.” 

But you should be careful about any claim in this area. It’s really uncertain right now what, exactly, will happen in the days ahead, and you shouldn’t really trust anyone who is claiming to have the gift of prophecy here. That impulse, to settle on certainty, is one you should also keep an eye on within your own mind. 

Consider logging off: When every day feels like a year and every week feels like a century, it’s easy to get frayed and overloaded and burned out on the river of online content. While it’s important to pay attention to things like the future of democracy, it’s also a good idea to stop doomscrolling. 

Read more

Tomorrow is Election Day in the US, which means we’ve reached peak political saturation: Americans are being hit with constant news alerts, a torrent of punditry and campaign ads on television, and even warring yard signs. The stakes are high, and we’re all struggling to figure out what’s fact and what’s fiction.

Kids and teens are no different. Being young has never been easy, but it’s especially tough when social media, television programs, and maybe even the adults in your life often twist truth into misinformation.

Here are some tips for grownups and young people alike for how to talk with someone about misinformation and make sure the information you’re getting and sharing is true.

How to talk to kids about misinformation

We don’t know much about how kids are affected by conspiracy theories and misinformation. “There is so little research examining conspiracy beliefs in younger people,” says Karen Douglas, a professor of social psychology at the University of Kent and the mother of two teenagers. The literature has made clear that more education helps shield people against misinformation, and that same logic probably applies to kids, who may be likelier to believe misinformation the younger they are. Douglas is developing a psychometric scale to measure conspiracy theory belief in adolescents, but until then, we won’t quite know how kids take in misinformation—which makes fighting against it more difficult.

Be age appropriate. Not all kids are ready to handle the graphic details of George Floyd’s murder or the systemic racism underlying it, for example. Nor should they be if they’re younger than tween-age, says Tanner Higgin, the director of education editorial strategy at CommonSense Media. “For kids under seven, don’t involve them in political discussions or worrying about issues,” he says. Younger kids need to know they are safe and parents are keeping them safe, and worrying them—especially during a pandemic, when they have less contact with their friends—will backfire.

That said, don’t sugarcoat. If you’ve got a particularly precocious, mature kid who’s asking pointed questions and can digest information without spiraling into anxiety and worry, be clear and honest. Lying won’t help kids who will undoubtedly find out the truth elsewhere. “Even toddlers can understand how not telling the truth, or basing decisions on bad information, can be harmful,” says Peter Adams, the senior vice president at the News Literacy Project. “They can also understand foundational journalistic concepts like fairness or the importance of accuracy. You just need to tailor the examples or themes you employ to make this real to them.”

Try introducing a “lite” conspiracy theory. This might go against logic, but Douglas says that doing so is important, especially for more gullible little ones: “Once they believe in conspiracy theories, these beliefs are difficult to correct.” Protect against that by introducing a weak version of the misinformation before they’re exposed to it in the real world, and debunking it with them. This helps kids understand what’s problematic about the reasoning, so when a more persuasive conspiracy theory comes along, they’re able to step back and question it.

How to fight misinformation at any age

Remember that you, too, can fall for misinformation. Yes, even you. “A lot of teens—particularly those who are tech savvy—think that they’re too sharp to fall for misinformation so they don’t have to worry about it,” Adams says. But it bears repeating: No one is immune from misinformation.

Be wary of reposts. “If a claim or screenshot is crossposted to a different platform, it could be a sign that it’s missing context,” Alexa Volland says. She knows: Volland trains teen fact checkers across the United States with MediaWise’s Teen Fact Checking Network (a collaboration between the Poynter Institute, the Google News Initiative, and Facebook). She’s seen plenty of Instagram stories featuring screenshots within a screenshot, or screenshots of tweets posted within an Instagram story or TikTok. Solution: Go to the original platform and check out what that person was saying before sharing.

Even toddlers can understand how not telling the truth, or basing decisions on bad information, can be harmful.

Reverse image searches are your best friend for meme checks. On social media, people sometimes post striking images that they think are about a particular news event but actually have nothing to do with that incident. Volland says that doing a simple reverse image search is one of the easiest, fastest ways to check if a viral image is really what it purports to be.

Ask yourself who is behind the information. Look at the organization or person who originally shared the story and think about their possible incentives. What do they stand to gain from the information that was shared? They may be motivated to twist the truth in ways that can lead to misinformation.

Get proof. Be your own fact checker and try to verify the information to the best of your ability. Consider: What is the evidence? Are there links to sources? Are those sources reliable? And are multiple other sources saying the same thing? Sites like FactCheck.org and PolitiFact might be useful here. 

Check your own bias. Hello, confirmation bias: If you have a strong reaction of “Ugh, that’s disgusting!” or nod vigorously in agreement with a post, step back. “If it’s a claim that sparks an intense emotional reaction, that can translate into validation,” Volland says. That makes us more likely to believe misinformation.

Check for context. Volland says a lot of the misinformation that goes viral on social media pulls images out of context for memes. For example, her group debunked a viral image supposedly about recent Black Lives Matter protests that misled viewers with images from protests in Ferguson, Missouri, a few years ago.

Go private. Nobody likes being attacked, whether it’s at the dinner table or in the comments section on Facebook. Talk to someone who might be misinformed privately and separately, whether it’s in DMs or in person away from others.  

Seek other perspectives. “We tend to read an article up and down but it’s important to open up multiple tabs and get out of your echo chamber,” Volland says. That means going to a news source that might lean the opposite way you tend to, or reading the tweets and press releases of politicians you disagree with. It might be hard, but it will make you more well-rounded and help you know what’s true and what’s inflated.

Check the comments. The comments section will often do a lot of the work in determining whether something is true or not by pointing to alternative sources, and it can be a fast, easy way to see if the post has been flagged by others as suspicious or misleading.

Conversation means meeting the other person halfway. As we’ve said before, being kind is ultimately the most powerful way to talk about misinformation. Attacking people for their beliefs can cause them to double down. Volland suggests “swapping sources” when a news story comes under dispute. Another tip: If a person is skeptical of a news source, presenting information from that source won’t be persuasive. Volland suggests instead seeking out a source you both can agree on and finding information there.

Read more

In April, Amazon announced it would contribute $10 million to a pair of projects designed to pay forest owners across the Appalachian Mountains to manage their lands in ways that capture more carbon dioxide from the air.

It is one of the first investments in the retail giant’s $100 million Right Now Climate Fund, an initiative to support the use of “nature-based climate solutions” like forests, grasslands, and wetlands to absorb more of the greenhouse gas. Amazon launched it last year in partnership with the Nature Conservancy, a conservation nonprofit, as part of its effort to reach “net zero carbon” by 2040. Together, they’re developing ways Amazon and other companies can effectively pay others to prevent or remove enough emissions to counterbalance those from their own operations.

But offsets researchers reviewed one of the proposals for the forests in the eastern US on behalf of MIT Technology Review and warned it may significantly overstate carbon reductions. Moreover, studies and articles have repeatedly highlighted similar problems with other offset programs designed to incentivize additional carbon uptake through things like trees and soil.

That’s raising real concerns as a growing list of large companies, including Amazon, Microsoft, and even oil and gas giants like Shell, trumpet “net zero emissions” plans that will rely heavily on nature-based offsets to theoretically cancel out their continuing climate pollution.

Lowering landowner costs

Trees suck carbon out of the air through photosynthesis and store it in their trunks, leaves, roots, and branches. Healthy forests with larger trees generally capture more carbon than overpacked forests, where smaller trees and other vegetation compete for water, sunlight, and space. When trees fall down and rot, or are cut down and converted into products like paper, much of the carbon is released back into the atmosphere.

The Nature Conservancy partnered with the American Forest Foundation to create a new offset protocol designed to allow owners of small tracts of wooded land to earn credits for taking steps to suck up and store more carbon.

The Family Forest Impact Foundation, an affiliate of the American Forest Foundation, will pay the landowners for carrying out two practices: promoting the growth of larger trees by harvesting less than previously planned, and thinning out competing shrubs and other vegetation. The change in practices must persist for 20 and 10 years, respectively.

The Family Forest Impact Foundation will, in turn, sell credits for the additional carbon that builds up on the properties to companies like Amazon on voluntary offset markets.

Family landowners largely haven’t participated in such markets up to now because complying with the programs can be complicated and expensive.

“Existing carbon forest markets weren’t working for small landowners,” says Christine Cadigan, director of the Family Forest Carbon Program at the American Forest Foundation. By easing some of the most cumbersome requirements, the groups believe they can reduce the costs by 75%, she says.

The organizations are working with Verra, a nonprofit that accredits offset protocols, to “review and validate” the approach. In the second Amazon-funded effort, known as Forest Carbon Co-ops, the Nature Conservancy is collaborating with the Vermont Land Trust to develop a similar program for owners of wooded lands ranging in area from 200 to 2,000 acres.

Amazon said the two programs together will draw down or prevent the release of 18.5 million metric tons of carbon dioxide by 2031. In addition to the $10 million grant, the company has also committed to purchase $5 million worth of offsets from the programs.

Over counting carbon reductions

Several outside researchers who have looked at the proposal, however, fear there are a few ways the program could overestimate the carbon reductions actually achieved.

The biggest red flag for Barbara Haya, a research fellow at the Center for Environmental Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, is how the program deals with what’s known as “leakage.” This occurs when reduced timber harvests brought about by offset projects simply lead to increased harvesting elsewhere.

Haya says some earlier research suggests that more than 80% of such reductions can simply shift to harvesting on timberlands in neighboring regions or even other nations. But under the rules for the reduced harvesting practice, landowners would generally only need to account for a 10% leakage rate in their calculations.

This suggests that even if the family forest projects do draw down significant additional carbon, much of the benefit could be wiped out by larger harvests elsewhere, limiting the real-world climate benefits.

Some observers also worry about how the projects will be audited to ensure compliance.

One of the key ways the program promises to make participation less expensive is by eliminating the need for surveyors to come out and conduct detailed assessments of every project site.

Instead, the program will use an aggregation of sample plots in similar forests to figure out what would be expected to happen on the project land in the absence of the program, given common forestry practices in the region. They’ll then compare those figures with field measurements of additional stored carbon over time from a “statistically significant random sample of properties” enrolled in the program, to determine how much more carbon the practices should be saving or removing.

This approach may produce an accurate accounting over time, says Grayson Badgley, a plant physiologist at Black Rock Forest and Columbia University. But he says it will be tricky to ensure that all the assumptions are correct, and that they properly select and weight plots to reflect conditions and land management practices on the enrolled projects.

One risk that is that the forestry practices assumed to be common in the area could be more representative of large timber companies than family landowners. That would exaggerate the amount of harvesting that would have occurred in the program’s absence, thus overstating the carbon gains it achieves.

Finally, there are additional concerns about whether the program will bank enough credits to account for setbacks that could occur if landowners simply increase harvesting at the end of the 10- or 20-year contract terms—or as a result of natural risks to trees like wildfires, storms, and insect infestations, all of which are rising with climate change.

In an email, Cadigan stressed that they’re still in the approval process and are working through various adjustments based on public comments and other feedback. But she also said they’re confident that their methodologies will bring about sustained improvement in forestry practices and accurately estimate additional carbon removal over time.

“Once they’ve reset their management, it actually makes more economic sense for them to maintain this approach, and as a result, this management will have a long-term positive impact,” she wrote.

The broader risks

The family forest program is just one of numerous offset efforts that Amazon intends to eventually invest in or purchase credits from. The company also announced plans to provide more than $4 million to an “urban greening” program in Germany, another Nature Conservancy project.

Amazon is taking concrete steps to cut its direct corporate emissions as well. It’s invested in more than 30 large-scale solar and wind projects around the world and added rooftop solar panels to dozens of fulfillment or sorting centers, as part of its effort to run entirely on renewable electricity by 2025. The retailer also agreed to purchase 100,000 electric delivery vans from Rivian with an eye toward ensuring that half of its shipments are “net zero carbon” by 2030.

In addition, the company co-founded and signed The Climate Pledge, an effort to get other major corporations to commit to reach “net zero carbon” by 2040, which businesses like Best Buy, Siemens and Verizon have joined.

“Amazon is focused on implementing decarbonization strategies through business change and innovations, including efficiency improvements, renewable energy, materials reductions, and other carbon emission elimination strategies,” the company said in a response to MIT Technology Review’s inquires. “As part of the [Climate] Pledge, companies are encouraged to take action to neutralize any remaining emissions with additional, quantifiable, real, permanent, and socially-beneficial offsets. We work closely with The Nature Conservancy to identify nature-based projects, grounded in science, that are delivered with intent, integrity, and transparency.”

But between its corporate facilities, data centers, operations, and suppliers, Amazon has a massive carbon footprint – and one still growing at last count. Last year it emitted the equivalent of more than 50 million metric tons of carbon dioxide, directly or indirectly. That’s up from around 44 million in 2018.

Amazon, like most companies, hasn’t specified what portion of its emissions it expects to address through nature-based offsets. But a heavy reliance on them creates very real challenges if most of these programs are, as a growing number of researchers believe, often overcounting actual reductions.

It allows companies to assert to customers, policymakers and others that they’re operating in a climate neutral way, while continuing to produce more planet-warming gases, on a ton-for-ton basis, than the programs are removing.

Another issue is that the growing number of nature-based projects is creating larger pools of low-cost carbon offsets, the availability of which can undermine the viability of more reliable carbon-capture methods.

Bottom-line-minded companies will, for instance, likely pick a roughly $10 forestry offset that purports to cancel out the same ton of emissions that Swiss startup Climeworks is charging $1,100 to reliably remove and permanently store, using carbon dioxide sucking machines and underground geological formations. (Notably, Microsoft has said it only wants to pay $20 a ton for offsets as it looks to cancel out its entire corporate history of emissions, which some observers believe will steer it away from the more dependable means of carbon removal.)

It will also often be far cheaper for a corporation like Amazon to buy offset credits than to figure out the tougher aspects of corporate emissions reductions, like fully cleaning up the shipping process or ensuring that its vast network of suppliers is carbon free.

“You are essentially giving these large corporations a license to continue doing business as usual,” says Sam Davis, a conservation scientist at the Dogwood Alliance, an environmental nonprofit focused on protecting forests in the southern US. “If we really need and want to address climate change from a corporate perspective, then we can’t just pay the debt with fancy carbon credits and greenwashing.”

Climate models show that the world will now need to slash emissions and draw down billions of tons of carbon dioxide per year by midcentury to prevent really dangerous levels of global warming. But there are constraints on how much forests and other nature-based systems can do to get us there.

Ideally, these options should be reserved for the really hard-to-solve parts of the decarbonization puzzle—like aviation, heavy industry, and methane from agriculture—or used to grant poor nations leeway to continue emitting a little longer as their economies develop, says Holly Buck, an assistant professor of environment and sustainability at the University of Buffalo.

In other words, there are real risks if rich companies in rich nations buy up a disproportionate share of the cheapest sources of carbon removal while they’ve got plenty of other ways to drive their emissions toward zero.

Update: This piece was updated to add a response from Amazon.

Read more

Looking for ways to market your products on Instagram during the holidays? Want to generate more seasonal sales? In this article, you’ll find six tips for holiday marketing on Instagram. #1: Drive Sales and Generate Leads With Shoppable Instagram Posts and Holiday Gift Guides Finding the right gifts for friends and family can be a […]

The post Holiday Marketing on Instagram: 6 Tips for Marketers appeared first on Social Media Examiner | Social Media Marketing.

Read more
1 2,405 2,406 2,407 2,408 2,409 2,480