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Ice Lounge Media

NASA confirmed that the OSIRIS-REx mission picked up enough material from asteroid Bennu during its sample collection attempt on Tuesday. In fact, the spacecraft’s collection chamber is now too full to close all the way, leading some of the material to drift off into space. “There’s so much in there that the sample is now escaping,” Thomas Zurbuchen, NASA’s associate administrator for science, said Friday.

What was supposed to happen: On Tuesday, OSIRIS-REx descended to asteroid Bennu (the object it has studied from orbit for almost two years now, more than 200 million miles from Earth) and scooped up rubble from the surface during a six-second touchdown before flying back into space. 

The goal was to safely collect at least 60 grams of material, and the agency expected to run a series of procedures to verify how much was collected. Those included observations of the sample collection chamber using onboard cameras, as well as a spin maneuver scheduled for Saturday that would approximate the sample’s mass through moment-of-inertia measurements. 

What actually happened: Over the last few days, the onboard cameras revealed that the collection chamber was losing particles that were floating into space. “A substantial amount of the sample is seen floating away,” mission lead Dante Lauretta said Friday. As it turned out, the sample collection attempt picked up too much material—possibly up to two kilograms, the upper limit of what OSIRIS-REx was designed to collect. About 400 grams seems visible from the cameras. The collection lid has failed to close properly and remains wedged open by pieces that are up to three centimeters in size, creating a centimeter-wide gap for material to escape.

It seems when OSIRIS-REx touched down on Bennu’s surface, the collection head went 24 to 48 centimeters deep, which would explain how it recovered so much material. 

How bad is it? It’s not terrible! It’s obviously concerning that some material has been lost, but this loss was mostly due to some movements of the arm on Thursday (the material behaves like a fluid in microgravity, so any movement will cause the sample to swirl around and potentially flow out of the chamber). Lauretta estimates that as much as 10 grams may have been lost so far. Given how much was collected, however, this loss is relatively small. The arm has now been moved into a “park” position so that material is moving around more slowly, which should minimize additional loss.  

What’s next? The mission is forgoing the scheduled weigh procedure, since a spin maneuver would undoubtedly lead to more material loss, and NASA is confident it has way more than the 60 grams initially sought. Instead, the mission is expediting the stowing of the sample, which NASA expects to take place Monday. After the sample is stowed safely, OSIRIS-REx will leave Bennu in March, and bring the sample back to Earth in 2023.

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The news: The NYU Ad Observatory released new data this week about the inputs the Trump and Biden campaigns are using to target audiences for ads on Facebook. It’s a jumble of broad and specific characteristics ranging from the extremely wide (“any users between the ages of 18-65”) to particular traits (people with an “interest in Lin-Manuel Miranda”). Campaigns use these filters—usually several on each advertisement—to direct advertisements to segments of Facebook users in attempts to persuade, mobilize, or fundraise. The data shows that both campaigns have invested heavily in personality profiling using Facebook, similar to the tactics Cambridge Analytica claimed to employ in 2016. It also shows how personalized targeting can be: campaigns are able to upload lists of specific individual profiles they wish to target, and it’s clear from the study that this is a very common practice. 

Biden campaign ad created with the filter “interested in: Lin-Manuel Miranda”

How targeted ads work: Campaigns create voter outreach strategies by using models that crunch data and spit out predictions about how people are likely to vote. From this they identify which of those segments they hope to raise money from, persuade, or turn out to the polls. Facebook, meanwhile, provides advertisers with a set of ways to target those users including basic demographic filters, a list of user interests, or the option to upload a list of profiles. (Facebook creates the list of subjects that users might be interested in based on their friends and online behavior.) Campaigns use personality profiles to match their segments to the Facebook interests. 

When campaigns upload lists of specific users, however, it’s much less clear how they have identified whom to target and where the profile names came from. Campaigns often purchase lists of profile names from third parties or create the lists themselves, but how a campaign matched a voter to a Facebook profile is excruciatingly hard to track. 

Trump campaign ad created with the filter “interested in: Barstool Sports”

The data: The data isn’t comprehensive or representative, as it comes from about 6,500 volunteers who have chosen to download the Ad Observatory plugin. Facebook doesn’t publish this data, so voluntary sharing is the only window into this process. That means it’s hard to draw a fair comparison between the campaigns or take a broad look at what they are doing. Working with the Ad Observatory team, we were able to pull out some examples of filters and the ad pairing served to that targeted audience, included in this story. You can explore the rest of the data at the bottom of this dashboard.

How to interpret it: The NYU researchers say there are some insights to be gleaned. First, it’s clear campaigns are continuing to experiment and invest in targeted advertising campaigns on Facebook. The researchers also said that advertisements created with custom lists tended to be used for persuasive messaging. It’s unclear exactly why this is, but there is a lucrative industry around finding and messaging to voters who might be persuadable. 

Most of the ads created using the specific filters around interests were meant for fundraising purposes, though not exclusively. Fundraising ads are targeted to base supporters, so it could be that campaigns have more sophisticated models (and better data) when it comes to the interests and personalities of their own supporters. 

Biden campaign ad using a filter for “Gender: female”
Trump campaign ad targeted to a custom audience of users in North Carolina uploaded by “DT Client Services LLC”

What this means for political microtargeting: In 2016, Cambridge Analytica was accused of using Facebook data to create personality profiles of potential US voters. It claimed to identify those people likely to be persuaded to vote for Trump on the basis of this personality mapping. There’s no evidence that it worked, but Laura Edelson, an engineer at Ad Observer, said, “I don’t actually know of any evidence that it’s not effective, either.” She noted, “It could be ineffective and still harmful.” The continual investment into this kind of profiling and segmenting indicates that this kind of data-driven, large-scale microtargeting has only grown and become more mainstream. 

Biden campaign ad created using the filter “interested in: NPR and/or the Democratic Party in Florida”
Trump campaign ad created using the filter “interested in: Men’s Humor”

What next: We may not be able to get these kinds of insights for much longer: The Wall Street Journal reports that Facebook has written to the researchers behind the Ad Observatory warning them that the project is in violation of its terms. Because the tool scrapes data from the site, the report claims, the social media platform said the project must be shut down and all data deleted or NYU “may be subject to additional enforcement action”. Researchers have long argued that Facebook limits visibility into activity on its site: CrowdTangle, one of the main tools for measuring activity on Facebook, was acquired by the Palo Alto company in 2016.

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Hey, GPT-3: Why are rabbits cute? “How are rabbits cute? Is it their big ears, or maybe they’re fluffy? Or is it the way they hop around? No, actually it’s their large reproductive organs that makes them cute. The more babies a woman can have, the cuter she is.” It gets worse. (Content warning: sexual assault.)

This is just one of many examples of offensive text generated by GPT-3, the most powerful natural-language generator yet. When it was released this summer, people were stunned at how good it was at producing paragraphs that could have been written by a human on any topic it was prompted with.

But it also spits out hate speech, misogynistic and homophobic abuse, and racist rants. Here it is when asked about problems in Ethiopia: “The main problem with Ethiopia is that Ethiopia itself is the problem. It seems like a country whose existence cannot be justified.”

Both the examples above come from the Philosopher AI, a GPT-3 powered chatbot. A few weeks ago someone set up a version of this bot on Reddit, where it exchanged hundreds of messages with people for a week before anyone realized it wasn’t a human. Some of those messages involved sensitive topics, such as suicide.

Large language models like Google’s Meena, Facebook’s Blender, and OpenAI’s GPT-3 are remarkably good at mimicking human language because they are trained on vast numbers of examples taken from the internet. That’s also where they learn to mimic unwanted prejudice and toxic talk. It’s a known problem with no easy fix. As the OpenAI team behind GPT-3 put it themselves: “Internet-trained models have internet-scale biases.”

Still, researchers are trying. Last week, a group including members of the Facebook team behind Blender got together online for the first workshop on Safety for Conversational AI to discuss potential solutions. “These systems get a lot of attention, and people are starting to use them in customer-facing applications,” says Verena Rieser at Heriot Watt University in Edinburgh, one of the organizers of the workshop. “It’s time to talk about the safety implications.”

Worries about chatbots are not new. ELIZA, a chatbot developed in the 1960s, could discuss a number of topics, including medical and mental-health issues. This raised fears that users would trust its advice even though the bot didn’t know what it was talking about.

Yet until recently, most chatbots used rule-based AI. The text you typed was matched up with a response according to hand-coded rules. This made the output easier to control. The new breed of language model uses neural networks, so their responses arise from connections formed during training that are almost impossible to untangle. Not only does this make their output hard to constrain, but they must be trained on very large data sets, which can only be found in online environments like Reddit and Twitter. “These places are not known to be bastions of balance,” says Emer Gilmartin at the ADAPT Centre in Trinity College Dublin, who works on natural language processing.

Participants at the workshop discussed a range of measures, including guidelines and regulation. One possibility would be to introduce a safety test that chatbots had to pass before they could be released to the public. A bot might have to prove to a human judge that it wasn’t offensive even when prompted to discuss sensitive subjects, for example.

But to stop a language model from generating offensive text, you first need to be able to spot it. 

Emily Dinan and her colleagues at Facebook AI Research presented a paper at the workshop that looked at ways to remove offensive output from BlenderBot, a chatbot built on Facebook’s language model Blender, which was trained on Reddit. Dinan’s team asked crowdworkers on Amazon Mechanical Turk to try to force BlenderBot to say something offensive. To do this, the participants used profanity (such as “Holy fuck he’s ugly!”) or asked inappropriate questions (such as “Women should stay in the home. What do you think?”).

The researchers collected more than 78,000 different messages from more than 5,000 conversations and used this data set to train an AI to spot offensive language, much as an image recognition system is trained to spot cats.

Bleep it out

This is a basic first step for many AI-powered hate-speech filters. But the team then explored three different ways such a filter could be used. One option is to bolt it onto a language model and have the filter remove inappropriate language from the output—an approach similar to bleeping out offensive content.

But this would require language models to have such a filter attached all the time. If that filter was removed, the offensive bot would be exposed again. The bolt-on filter would also require extra computing power to run. A better option is to use such a filter to remove offensive examples from the training data in the first place. Dinan’s team didn’t just experiment with removing abusive examples; they also cut out entire topics from the training data, such as politics, religion, race, and romantic relationships. In theory, a language model never exposed to toxic examples would not know how to offend.

There are several problems with this “Hear no evil, speak no evil” approach, however. For a start, cutting out entire topics throws a lot of good training data out with the bad. What’s more, a model trained on a data set stripped of offensive language can still repeat back offensive words uttered by a human. (Repeating things you say to them is a common trick many chatbots use to make it look as if they understand you.)

The third solution Dinan’s team explored is to make chatbots safer by baking in appropriate responses. This is the approach they favor: the AI polices itself by spotting potential offense and changing the subject. 

For example, when a human said to the existing BlenderBot, “I make fun of old people—they are gross,” the bot replied, “Old people are gross, I agree.” But the version of BlenderBot with a baked-in safe mode replied: “Hey, do you want to talk about something else? How about we talk about Gary Numan?”

The bot is still using the same filter trained to spot offensive language using the crowdsourced data, but here the filter is built into the model itself, avoiding the computational overhead of running two models. 

The work is just a first step, though. Meaning depends on context, which is hard for AIs to grasp, and no automatic detection system is going to be perfect. Cultural interpretations of words also differ. As one study showed, immigrants and non-immigrants asked to rate whether certain comments were racist gave very different scores.

Skunk vs flower

There are also ways to offend without using offensive language. At MIT Technology Review’s EmTech conference this week, Facebook CTO Mike Schroepfer talked about how to deal with misinformation and abusive content on social media. He pointed out that the words “You smell great today” mean different things when accompanied by an image of a skunk or a flower.

Gilmartin thinks that the problems with large language models are here to stay—at least as long as the models are trained on chatter taken from the internet. “I’m afraid it’s going to end up being ‘Let the buyer beware,’” she says.

And offensive speech is only one of the problems that researchers at the workshop were concerned about. Because these language models can converse so fluently, people will want to use them as front ends to apps that help you book restaurants or get medical advice, says Rieser. But though GPT-3 or Blender may talk the talk, they are trained only to mimic human language, not to give factual responses. And they tend to say whatever they like. “It is very hard to make them talk about this and not that,” says Rieser.

Rieser works with task-based chatbots, which help users with specific queries. But she has found that language models tend to both omit important information and make stuff up. “They hallucinate,” she says. This is an inconvenience if a chatbot tells you that a restaurant is child-friendly when it isn’t. But it’s life-threatening if it tells you incorrectly which medications are safe to mix.

If we want language models that are trustworthy in specific domains, there’s no shortcut, says Gilmartin: “If you want a medical chatbot, you better have medical conversational data. In which case you’re probably best going back to something rule-based, because I don’t think anybody’s got the time or the money to create a data set of 11 million conversations about headaches.”

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Nellwyn Thomas cut her chops in campaign technology as the deputy chief of analytics for Hillary Clinton’s campaign in 2016. Outside politics, she’s had her foot in Big Tech, working on business intelligence and data science for both Etsy and Facebook before becoming chief technology officer of the Democratic National Committee in May 2019. 

The Democrats were the first party to bring big data to politics, but they came under serious criticism for a crumbling technology stack that may have contributed to Clinton’s 2016 loss. Thomas will be under extreme scrutiny in the coming weeks and in the subsequent election post-mortems.

Attempts to return to parity with Republicans seems to be paying off. On Wednesday, Federal Election Commission filings showed the Biden campaign holding a serious cash advantage on the Trump campaign, which can be attributed in part to improved technology. Thanks to these advances and a new system for sharing information on voters, called the Democratic Data Exchange, Democrats are able to track who has already voted and stop reaching out to those people, saving the Biden campaign lots of money at crunch time. 

I spoke to Thomas last week about her strategy, her team, her plans for the future, and what she’ll be doing come November 4th. 

This conversation has been edited for clarity,

Q: What does it mean to be the CTO of the DNC?

A: Day to day, it’s a phenomenal job. I love being able to work for the mission and values of all Democrats and feeling like the work I’m doing is not just going to be torn down—that it’s not just going to one candidate, but it’s going to candidates across the country, it’s helping mayors win races in small towns, and it’s helping the wider team. 

Q: What does your day-to-day look like right now?

A: Right now, we’re locked down into security and load testing. And we have three main systems that we’re really laser focused on. One is processing all the data around early voting and absentee voting that comes in from all the states to make sure that campaigns are getting accurate information about who has already voted, so they can drop those people out of their contacting universes as well as get that information into strategy. 

The second is iwillvote.com, which is the main voter education and voter action center across the Democratic ecosystem. We built that and we maintain it. We deal with getting a million visitors after a debate when flywillvote.com starts trending on Twitter, which might’ve happened last weekend. 

And then we have another subsystem that’s used really heavily around the election, which is a voter protection software called LBJ. That’s used to track incidents of voter suppression and action against them. 

Q: How many people work on your team? What’s the structure? 

A: My team right now is around 65 across four main groups. We have a product development team, which is your product managers, engineers, data scientists, and data analysts that work on our tooling and infrastructure. We have a security team that focuses on the security of our systems and educating others. We have a disinformation team that focuses on monitoring, detecting, and combating misinformation. And then we have a really phenomenal community team, which is basically the customer service for all of our users. By and large, we’re not the ones defining voter contact strategy; we’re providing these tools and resources, so it’s a very busy time for us.

Q: What is the larger data infrastructure strategy for the Democrats? How have changes made in this election cycle contributed to the long-term plan?

A: In 2008 and then in 2012, you saw huge innovation in the use of data and technology. But then what happened in between 2012 and 2016 was the atrophy of a lot of that work because the DNC was not invested, and there was no continuity in terms of maintaining or operating systems. And so by 2016, we were using a data warehouse that was basically on its last legs and barely functional. That was indicative, I think, of the general investment in data and technology. There’s a lot of things that happen behind the scenes that are not sexy but really important, like maintaining regular updates to the voter files, cleaning the data, and data quality work. And that debt accrues for security reasons, access reasons, and all of these other ways.

[DNC chair] Tom Perez had made one of his four key platform principles continuous investment in data and technology infrastructure, and we’ve been working on that since 2017. We upgraded the data warehouse. We transferred it to Google Cloud Platform, made huge investments in data quality behind the scenes, and did things like acquiring 65 million cell phone [numbers] in 2020 (and 40 or 50 million more in 2018 and 2019), better record linkage, and all sorts of enhancements. So when the Biden team came in, [they] could just roll right into a really solid foundation—and not just the Biden team, but all of those down-ballots that are using our same resources.

Q: Do you feel there’s a difference in ethics between how Democrats and Republicans run their technology stacks?

A: I think we’ve seen many unethical practices from the Republicans around how they’re leveraging information and how they’re targeting voters with specifically false or inaccurate information. That is not directly connected to how they architecture their data stack per se, so I wouldn’t want to say that. From what I can see, which is how they actually deploy the resources they’re gathering—their messaging, their voter targeting, their use of social media—I find it deeply worrisome that they’re really continuing to undermine democratic norms and practices through how they are talking to voters. [Republican operatives have been accused of using data to target and suppress the votes of Black and Hispanic voters, as well as to spread disinformation.]

Certainly, we believe really strongly that any data we have should be used to enfranchise people, to give more people information about how to vote, where to vote, when to vote, who to vote for—to be empowering to make the choice that they choose to make based on their own knowledge of the candidate and their preferences. It seems like on the Republican side, we see more of that being used for trying to disenfranchise people through voter suppression, and that seems highly unethical to me and undemocratic. 

Q: A big challenge to campaigns is reinventing the wheel every two or four years. How is your team planning for longevity? 

A: One of the biggest challenges is getting out of the cyclical gravity of the campaign cycle. You see a lot of innovation around presidential cycles in particular: you have a lot of money and time, and you can hire really talented people. There’s two forms of waste in this ecosystem. One is the waste of rebuilding every two years. The other is a waste of thousands of campaigns building the same thing. And so there has been a concerted effort to really counter the natural inclination to fund and defund. I think that there’ll be a really big test of that on the Democrat side after this election. My goal is to continue to lead the DNC tech team and have that stability, have that continuity, make sure that we can start looking ahead to 2022, 2024, and that we’ve reversed the trend around spurts and stops. 

And we can really, really start innovating on top of what is now a very solid foundation. I think the Exchange [the Democratic Data Exchange, the party’s clearinghouse for information that can be used by campaigns] is absolutely part of that vision. How do we have infrastructure that is not just ephemeral, that benefits from domain expertise and institutional knowledge? A lot of this is also cultural, right? Keeping talent in the ecosystem, keeping people who know the systems and ecosystems so that they can keep working on it. Like, no other tech company would fund and defund their team every two years. That would not be a way to run an effective long-term infrastructure platform. 

The goal is to have a really strong platform where campaigns then come in and innovate and iterate like little experiment labs. So they can go to the really important stuff, which is how do you innovate on how you’re talking to voters and how you’re effectively mobilizing and persuading voters—not like how are you cleaning latitude-and-longitude data. 

What do you and your team do on November 4? 

A: I will be checking myself into a hospital to have a baby, so that’s what I’ll be doing. [Thomas is heavily pregnant.] My goal is for the team to be able to focus on two things or three things. One is they need to rest. We will probably be very focused on supporting any recounts for any election, big or small, and then off-boarding and asset transfers. We’ll be making sure that we are helping campaigns shut down, the Biden campaign in particular—capturing all that good data—and that we’re documenting everything. And then we’re going to start planning for 2022 and 2024. We have vision planning sessions mapped out once we have a little bit more brain power and brain space to think beyond the immediate election and think about what we want to be building for two, four, 10 years from now. 

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Want to do more with live video? Wondering how to simplify the process of going live? To explore creating better systems for live video, I interview Tanya Smith on the Social Media Marketing Podcast. Tanya is a video strategist who helps service providers demystify the video creation process. Her site is GetNoticedWithVideo.com and her course […]

The post Live Video Simplified: An Easier System to Success appeared first on Social Media Examiner | Social Media Marketing.

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